Historical Study: British History and one from

Historical Study: European and World History.

HISTORICAL STUDY: BRITISH HISTORY Answer ONE question. Each question is worth 20 marks. Church, State and Feudal Society 1. “The nobility received all of the benefits from the feudal structure while the peasants received none.” How valid is this view of medieval society? 2. “Despite its problems the Papacy maintained its authority in Scotland and England.” How valid is this view? 3. How far can it be argued that David I of Scotland and Henry II of England successfully established centralised feudal monarchies? The Century of Revolutions 1603–1702 4. “Religion was the most important cause of the challenge to the authority of James I in England.” How true is this assessment? 5. To what extent did religious issues bring about the English Civil War? 6. How important were the actions of James II in causing the Revolution of 1688–1689? The Atlantic Slave Trade 7. To what extent were Britain’s military victories in the wars of the eighteenth century the main reason for the development of the Atlantic Slave Trade? 8. “Fear of slave resistance and revolt determined how slaves were treated.” How valid is this view? 9. To what extent was hostile propaganda the major obstacle to the abolition of the slave trade? Britain 1851–1951 10. How important was the role of pressure groups in Britain becoming more democratic between 1851 and 1928? 11. “Changing attitudes in British society towards women was the major reason why some women received the vote in 1918.” How accurate is this view? 12. “The Liberals failed to deal with the real problems facing the British people.” How valid is this view of the Liberals’ social reforms from 1906 to 1914?
Britain and Ireland 1900–1985 13. “The response of Unionists to the Home Rule Bill was the main reason for the growth of tension in Ireland up to 1914.” How valid is this view? 14. How important was British conduct during the Anglo-Irish War in preventing a peace settlement in Ireland between 1918 and 1921? 15. How important were political differences between the Protestant and Catholic communities in contributing to the developing crisis in Northern Ireland up to 1968?
HISTORICAL STUDY: EUROPEAN AND WORLD Answer ONE question. Each question is worth 20 marks. The Crusades, 1071–1204 16. “The Pope’s desire to channel the military power of the knightly class was the main reason for calling the First Crusade.” How valid is this view? 17. “The success of the Crusaders was due to divisions amongst the Muslim states.” How valid is this view of the First Crusade? 18. To what extent can it be argued that Richard I was a greater military leader than Saladin? The American Revolution 1763–1787 19. “Disagreement over the frontier was the key issue between Britain and the colonies by 1763.” To what extent is this true? 20. How far were the views of Edmund Burke typical of British opinion towards the conflict with the American colonists in the period between 1763 and 1781? 21. How important was French intervention to colonial victory in the American War of Independence? The French Revolution, to 1799 22. To what extent did the Third Estate have the greatest cause for complaint under the Ancien Regime? 23. To what extent was Louis XVI responsible for the failure of constitutional monarchy in 1792? 24. “The constitution of 1795 was the main reason for Napoleon’s coup of 1799.” How valid is this view? Germany 1815–1939 25. How important were cultural factors in the growth of national feeling in Germany between 1815 and 1850? 26. To what extent was resentment towards Prussia among the German states the main obstacle to German unification by 1850? 27. How important were economic factors in the rise to power of the Nazi Party between 1919 and 1933?
Italy 1815–1939 28. How important was the role of Mazzini in the growth of Italian nationalism between 1815 and 1850? 29. How important was the influence of Austria in preventing the unification of Italy between 1815 and 1850? 30. To what extent did Mussolini achieve power by 1925 as a result of the weaknesses of Italian governments? Russia 1881–1921 31. How secure was the Tsar’s hold on power in the years before 1905? 32. To what extent was the power of the Tsarist state weakened in the years between 1905 and 1914? 33. How important was Bolshevik propaganda in the success of the 1917 October revolution? USA 1918–1968 34. To what extent was racism the main reason for changing attitudes towards immigration in the 1920s? 35. “The weakness of the US banking system was the main reason for causing the Great Depression of the 1930s.” How accurate is this statement? 36. How important was the emergence of effective organisations to the development of the Civil Rights campaigns after 1945? Appeasement and the Road to War, to 1939 37. To what extent does disappointment over the terms of the Peace Settlements of 1919 explain the aggressive nature of fascist foreign policies in the 1930s? 38. To what extent does British public opinion explain the policy of appeasement between 1936 and 1938? 39. “Munich was a triumph for British foreign policy.” How valid is this view?

The Cold War 1945–1989 40. How important were ideological differences between east and west in the emergence of the Cold War up to 1955? 41. “The Cuban Crisis of 1962 was a direct consequence of the domestic pressures on Khrushchev.” How accurate is this view? 42. How important was the danger of Mutually Assured Destruction in forcing the superpowers into attempts to manage the Cold War?

The Wars of Independence, 1286–1328 The Age of Reformation, 1542–1603 The Treaty of Union, 1689–1740 Migration and Empire, 1830–1939 The impact of The Great War, 1914 –1928

THE WARS OF INDEPENDENCE, 1286–1328 Study the sources below and answer the questions which follow. Source A: from a letter by Bishop William Fraser to Edward I, November 1290. Your ambassadors and the Scottish ambassadors who had been sent to you and also some nobles of the Kingdom of Scotland met at Perth. But a sad rumour echoed among the people that our lady was dead and because of this the kingdom of Scotland is troubled and the community perplexed. When the rumour was heard and published, Sir Robert Bruce, who previously did not intend to come to the meeting, came with a large retinue to confer with some who were there. We do not yet know what he intends to do or how he intends to act. Because of that there is a fear of a general war and a large-scale slaughter unless the Most High, through your active involvement and good offices, administer a quick cure.

Source B: from Richard Oram, Kings and Queens of Scotland (2006). Balliol certainly now assumed the bearing of king, yet he remained aware that he would have to impress the feudal lord of his lands in England if he wanted to secure the Kingdom of Scotland. On St Andrew’s day 1292, John was inaugurated as King of Scots on the Stone of Destiny at Scone. Yet the ceremony was overseen by Edward’s officials rather than the traditional Scottish earls and churchmen. Worse, within a matter of two months, John—again summoned to Northern England—crumbled under the demand that he renew his homage to Edward as Scotland’s overlord. It was this regime that undoubtedly prepared John for further confrontations with Edward I over appeals from Scottish courts that the English king insisted he answered for at Westminster.

Source C: from a contemporary English chronicle. A certain Scot, by name William Wallace was an outcast from pity, a robber, a sacrilegious man, a man who burnt alive boys in schools and churches in great numbers. Wallace had collected an army of Scots in the battle of Falkirk against the King of England, and had seen that he could not resist the powerful army of the King, and so fled himself from the battle, leaving his people to be slain by the sword. This man, after his innumerable wickednesses, was at last taken prisoner by the King’s servants and brought to London, as the King ordained that he should be formally tried. He was put to a most cruel, but amply deserved, death. His head was fixed on a stake and set on London Bridge. His four quarters thus divided, were sent to the four quarters of Scotland. Behold the end of a merciless man whom his mercilessness brought to this end.

Source D: from Alan Macquarrie, Kingship and Nation (2004). William Wallace was probably the son of the laird of Elderslie who had not signed the Ragman Rolls, and was consequently outlawed by the English justiciar. He escaped capture by the English garrison of Lanark with the help of his mistress, who was killed in the process. In revenge, Wallace killed the Sheriff of Lanark and set himself up as head of a band of outlaws. The Battle of Falkirk was a victory for the English mounted knights and the Welsh archers, who wore down the schiltrons by repeated cavalry charges and discharges of arrows. Wallace escaped and rescued the survivors as best he could. He remained at liberty until betrayed by Sir John Stewart of Mentieth. After his trial he was dragged for miles at the tail of a horse to Smithfield where he was put to death by being strangled, and dismembered.

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Source E: from Michael Brown, Wars of Independence, 1214–1371 (2004). The letters, including the Declaration of Arbroath, were designed to present a united communal front by the Scottish church and people in support of King Robert. The events of 1320 would reveal the limits to this unity. The association of several lords with the letters to Pope John overlay deep distaste for Bruce’s kingship which those letters championed. Such distaste was fuelled by a possible revival of the claims of the house of Balliol, in the person of King John’s son Edward Balliol. In late 1318 Edward Balliol returned to England and entered service with those Scots who had refused to enter Bruce’s allegiance. His presence was highly significant. Inside Scotland were many nobles with ties of sympathy and kinship to Balliol and the Disinherited. The conspirators were linked together by their consistent opposition to Bruce before Bannockburn and by their kinship to the fallen house of Comyn. Their leaders were Agnes Comyn, countess of Strathearn and her nephew William Soules. Soules had recovered his lands and office as royal butler, yet was clearly unhappy with Robert’s lordship.

[END OF SOURCES FOR THE W ARS OF INDEPENDENCE, 1286–1328]

SPECIAL TOPIC 1: THE WARS OF INDEPENDENCE, 1286–1328 Answer all of the following questions. 1. How useful is Source A as evidence of why the Scots asked Edward to resolve the succession crisis in Scotland? In reaching a conclusion you should refer to: • the origin and possible purpose of the source; • the content of the source; • recalled knowledge. How fully does Source B illustrate the relationship between John Balliol and Edward I? Use the source and recalled knowledge. To what extent do Sources C and D agree about the career of William Wallace? Compare the content overall and in detail. How far does Source E show the opposition of many Scots to Robert Bruce? Use the source and recalled knowledge. Marks
SPECIAL TOPIC 2: THE AGE OF REFORMATION, 1542–1603 Study the sources below and then answer the questions which follow. Source A: from a contemporary History of the Scottish Reformation by John Knox. Shortly after these things, that cruel tyrant and unmerciful hypocrite, falsely called Archbishop of St Andrews, apprehended that Blessed Martyr of Christ Jesus, Walter Myln, a man of old age, who most cruelly and most unjustly he put to death by fire in St. Andrews, on 28th April, 1558. Which did so highly offend the hearts of the godly, that immediately after his death, a new strength of purpose developed among the whole people. In the meantime the town of Perth embraced The Truth. This provoked the Queen Regent to a new fury; in which she willed the Lord Ruthven, Provost of that town, to suppress all Protestant religion there. On 2nd of May 1559, arrived John Knox from France, who, lodging only two nights in Edinburgh, went to Dundee, where he earnestly asked the brethren of Perth, “That he might be permitted to assist them, and to preach the reformed faith amongst them.” This was granted to him; therefore he departed to Perth with them; where he began to preach.

Source B: from Jenny Wormald, Mary Queen of Scots (1988). At about 2am on 10th February 1567, the house was blown up. Darnley escaped into the garden, where his body was found: he had been smothered by, it was suspected, the Douglas kinsmen of the Earl of Morton. Mary should have been in strict mourning, instead she attended a wedding the day after Darnley’s murder. She allowed Darnley’s father Lennox to accuse Bothwell of the murder and bring him to trial. It was a farce. Whoever else was involved, it is significant that no one doubted the principal conspirator was Bothwell. On 15th May she married Bothwell, a Protestant. Mary had always insisted on her right to her personal Catholicism, whatever happened to anyone else in Scotland, and had created considerable problems by doing so. The end was now very near.

Source C: from the records of the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, 1597. Meeting at Perth, according to his Majesty’s request, and concerning the articles proposed by the King. The brethren, after long conference and mature deliberation agree as follows: The Assembly ordains that no minister shall criticise his Majesty’s laws but should seek remedy from his Presbytery, Synod or General Assembly which will present his complaints to his Majesty and report on his Majesty’s answer. No man’s name should be rebuked from the pulpit, unless his fault be well known and in public. Every Presbytery should watch that each minister’s doctrine is agreeable with God’s word. No meetings should be held by ministers without his Majesty’s knowledge and consent, apart from the Kirk Session, Presbytery and Synod meetings. In all principal towns ministers should not be chosen without the consent of their own flock and his Majesty.

Source D: from Gordon Donaldson, Scotland James V to James VII, History of Scotland, (1965). A general assembly met in February at Perth and not, as the previous assembly had appointed, in April at St Andrews. This set the pattern for the years to come. It was hard to raise objections if the king chose to bring forward the date of the assembly, but when his right to do this was admitted it was equally hard to challenge his right to postpone an assembly. It was equally hard to challenge the king’s power to name the place of meeting, and year by year he showed a plain reluctance to have an assembly either in Edinburgh or St Andrews, and had preference for towns more easily accessible to ministers from the more traditional north. The assembly of 1597 conceded that ministers should not be appointed in the chief towns without the consent of the king, and passed various measures curbing the freedom of ministers in the course of their sermons, to attack the laws, to censure individuals and comment on politics.

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Source E: from Ian Whyte, Scotland’s Society and Economy in Transition 1500–1760, (1997). It became the business of the church to regulate the lives of everyone, sometimes to an obsessive and unhealthy degree. The most important instruments of community control developed by the new church were the Kirk Sessions. These aimed to regulate morals and manners of the inhabitants to promote a godly society. People were presumed guilty until proven innocent so a sizable proportion of the population of the community might expect to appear before the session at some point. In St Andrews between 1560 and 1600 about 1,000 cases of sexual misconduct were dealt with in a town whose population can only have been around 4,000. Elders usually had defined areas of the parish to keep under observation, acting as a kind of moral police force. Their powers within their community were sweeping. Accompanied by a witness, elders could enter people’s houses.

[END OF SOURCES FOR THE AGE OF REFORMATION, 1542–1603]

SPECIAL TOPIC 2: THE AGE OF REFORMATION, 1542–1603 Answer all of the following questions. 1. How useful is Source A as evidence of the growth of Protestantism in Scotland before the Reformation of 1560? In reaching a conclusion you should refer to: • the origin and possible purpose of the source; • the content of the source; • recalled knowledge. How fully does Source B explain why Mary, Queen of Scots lost her throne? Use the source and recalled knowledge. To what extent do Sources C and D agree about James VI’s attempts to control the Kirk? Compare the sources overall and in detail. How far does Source E explain the social impact of the Reformation on Scotland, to 1603? Use the source and recalled knowledge. Marks

10 (30)

[END OF QUESTIONS ON THE AGE OF REFORMATION, 1542–1603]

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SPECIAL TOPIC 3: THE TREATY OF UNION, 1689–1740 Study the sources below and then answer the questions which follow. Source A: from a speech by John Dalrymple, Earl of Stair, in Parliament, 1706. We followed the example of other nations and formed the Company of Scotland to trade with the West Indies. We built ships and planned a colony on the isthmus of Darien. What we lacked were not men or arms, or courage, but the one thing most needful: we lacked the friendly co-operation of England. The pitiful outcome of that enterprise is too sad a story to be told again. Suffice it to say that the English did not treat us as partners or friends or fellow subjects of a British king. They treated us as pirates and enemy aliens. We were exposed to the hostile rivalry of Spain, encouraged by England. Our colony was sacked. We suffered every cruelty an enemy can inflict.

Source B: from Daniel Defoe, History of the Union (1709). Many members of Parliament knew that the standing of Scotland in the British Parliament would not be that of a kingdom, but of a province of England. Also, they knew that Cornwall would send almost as many members to Parliament as the whole of Scotland, and this was an example of Scotland’s subjection. This was a general complaint, but was very widespread. The people cried out that they were Scotsmen and they would remain Scotsmen. They condemned the word “British” as fit only for the Welsh, who had already been made the subjects of the English. Scotland had always had a famous name in foreign courts, and had enjoyed privileges and honours there for many years, bought with the blood of their ancestors. The common people went about the streets crying “no union”, and called those negotiators traitors, and threatened them to their faces.

Source C: from T. M. Devine, The Scottish Nation: 1700–2007 (2006). The “New Party”, soon to be known by the exotic name of “Squadrone Volante”, had emerged out of the Country Party in 1704. As events were to prove, this group of around two dozen members was to have a key role in the outcome of the union vote. Crucial in carrying the treaty as a whole was Article XV, which dealt with the “Equivalent”. This was an attractive inducement to the Squadrone Volante, the small party whose support the Court Party had to retain in order to achieve ultimate success, so finely balanced was the overall position in Parliament. Some of the Equivalent was to be used to compensate the investors in the ill-fated Darien Company. Among the most significant of these were members of the Squadrone. The formidable political management machine of the Court Party contrasted with the disarray of the parliamentary opposition.

Source D: from Christopher A. Whately, The Scots and the Union (2007). With around twenty-five Squadrone MPs, the government could carry the union, and did. Squadrone votes proved critical in securing approval for several of the articles which, had they been defeated, would have brought the union process to a shuddering halt. In part the Court’s success was achieved by political management, which was to spur court-minded MPs into attending and voting for a cause many were at best sympathetic to, and only in a few cases seriously enthusiastic about. There were MPs however who voted consistently for the articles without benefiting at all from the Equivalent—eight of these were associated with the Squadrone. If the purpose of the Equivalent had been to bribe MPs, the outcome was disappointing. Support for union depended on much more than material gain.

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Source E: from Michael Lynch, Scotland: A New History (1992). Most historians would agree that economic benefits did not materialise before the 1740s. The more limited the questions about the economic effects of 1707, the firmer the answers are likely to be. The free trade area which opened up after 1707 brought prosperity to only a few Scots. The most obvious symbol of economic success in mid-eighteenth century Scotland were the Glasgow tobacco lords, who around 1750 controlled almost half of Scotland’s imports. Yet the enterprising Scots of the immediate post-1707 generation were often the smugglers or black marketers. The worst forecast of the swamping of Scottish manufacturing did not happen, but manufacturing industries found at best only sluggish demand for their products in the new English market and British colonies. In agriculture, the most important sector of the Scottish economy, the effects of union were insignificant.

[END OF SOURCES FOR THE TREATY OF UNION, 1689–1740]

SPECIAL TOPIC 3: THE TREATY OF UNION, 1689–1740 Answer all of the following questions. 1. How useful is Source A as evidence of worsening relations between Scotland and England between 1690 and 1705? In reaching a conclusion you should refer to: • the origin and possible purpose of the source; • the content of the source; • recalled knowledge. How fully does Source B illustrate the arguments for and against the Treaty of Union? Use the source and recalled knowledge. To what extent do Sources C and D agree about the reasons for the passing of the Treaty of Union? Compare the sources overall and in detail. How far does Source E explain the economic effects of the Union up to 1740? Use the source and recalled knowledge. Marks

10 (30)

[END OF QUESTIONS ON THE TREATY OF UNION, 1689–1740]

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SPECIAL TOPIC 4: MIGRATION AND EMPIRE, 1830–1939 Study the sources below and then answer the questions which follow. Source A: from Angus Nicholson, Canada’s Special Immigration Agent in the Highlands of Scotland, 1875. All the competing Emigration Agencies formerly reported on, are still at work as actively as ever. The New Zealand and Australian authorities are particularly alert, the streets of every town and village being always well ornamented with their bills and posters offering free passages and other inducements to emigrants. Not only so, but nearly all newspapers being subsidised by means of their advertisements, are doing their full share in the same direction. It has to be noted that a considerable number of potential recruits have been diverted from Canada to New Zealand as a result of the latter’s offer of free passages. It is extremely difficult for us to attract emigrants when these territories are offering free passages while we expect the emigrants to pay their own fares to Canada.

Source B: from Martin J Mitchell, Irish Catholics in the West of Scotland, in his “New Perspectives on the Irish in Scotland” (2008). The prevailing view about Catholic Irish in nineteenth-century Scotland is that they were despised by the bulk of the native population, and as a result formed separate and isolated communities in the towns in which they settled in significant numbers. Yet, there is considerable evidence that members of Catholic Irish communities were involved—often in significant numbers—in strikes, trade unions and trade union campaigns. Moreover, this participation was both welcomed and sought by Scottish workers. Some historians have highlighted sectarian riots and disturbances in Scotland in the nineteenth century as proof that there was considerable Protestant working class hostility towards the Catholic Irish community. However, if these incidents are looked at more closely, most of the incidents did not involve Scottish workers, but were instead “Orange” and “Green” disturbances involving Protestant Irish and Catholic Irish immigrants. The available evidence states or suggests that most Scottish workers were not participants—they remained aloof and let the two immigrant groups continue their old battles.

Source C: from Jock Phillips and Terry Hearn, Settlers–New Zealand Immigrants from England, Ireland and Scotland, 1800–1945 (2008). The vast majority of Scots who emigrated to New Zealand came from around Edinburgh or Glasgow, playing important roles in her economic development. Not surprisingly, the Dunedin entrepreneurs, like the clothing magnates John Ross and Robert Glendinning, or the Burt Brothers who established a nationwide plumbing firm, were Scottish. Scots were also over-represented among those noted for their contribution to education and even more strongly among those involved in science and health. Otago saw the first high school for girls open in 1871 thanks to the daughter of an iron-merchant from Angus—the first headmistress was also a Scot! The Scottish education system of 1872 was the model for New Zealand’s Education Act of 1877 and the fact that Otago had for a long time the only medical school in the country, and the strong links that school established with Edinburgh, helps to explain the continuing impact of Scots-born people in both the health and scientific fields.

Source D: from James Adam, Twenty-Five Years of an Emigrant’s Life in the South of New Zealand, (1876). A gentleman who thirteen years ago was a draper’s assistant in Scotland now owns the finest retail business in Dunedin, employs fifty hands and pays £250 weekly in wages. The enterprise of the Dunedin merchants has done much for the commerce and prosperity of Otago. The Scot has certainly made his mark on this land, not only in commerce but also in the field of education, setting up schools throughout the area. Several of the Scots’ descendants have also become doctors, administering to the health of the local population in a most efficient manner. In 1862, another born Scot from Edinburgh, arrived in Dunedin to conduct a geological survey of Otago and three years later he was appointed to found the Geological Survey of New Zealand, managing New Zealand’s premier scientific society. It must be stated, however, that not all of the emigrants have made their presence a wholly welcome one in this land. Thankfully, this type of immigrant is far from common-place.

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Source E: from J. D. Mackie, A History of Scotland (1978). In almost every way Scotsmen were deriving benefits from the British Empire. It enabled some firms and individuals to make great fortunes; above all it offered opportunities of employment to the sons of the growing Scottish middle-class. This fact can be conveniently illustrated by reference to the jute trade of east-central Scotland, centred on Dundee. The raw material came from abroad: jute came almost exclusively from the Indian province of Bengal. The textile manufactured from this imported good was subsequently exported all over the world. Sacking from Dundee was used in great quantities, from Argentina to Canada. In the same way the heavy industries of Scotland exported a high proportion of their products. Canadian grain might well be taken in sacks made in Dundee, by locomotives manufactured in Springburn near Glasgow, to be loaded onto ships built on the Clyde.

[END OF SOURCES FOR MIGRATION AND EMPIRE, 1830–1939]

SPECIAL TOPIC 4: MIGRATION AND EMPIRE, 1830–1939 Answer all of the following questions. 1. How useful is Source A as evidence of the reasons for Scottish migration and emigration? In reaching a conclusion you should refer to: • the origin and possible purpose of the source; • the content of the source; • recalled knowledge. How fully does Source B illustrate the experience of immigrants in Scotland? Use the source and recalled knowledge. To what extent do Sources C and D agree about the contribution of Scots to the economic growth and development of the Empire? Compare the sources overall and in detail. How far does Source E show the importance of Empire to Scotland’s development? Use the source and recalled knowledge. Marks

10 (30)

[END OF QUESTIONS ON MIGRATION AND EMPIRE, 1830–1939]

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SPECIAL TOPIC 5: THE IMPACT OF THE GREAT WAR, 1914 –1928 Study the sources below and then answer the questions which follow. Source A: from the diary of Private Thomas McCall, Cameron Highlanders describing the attack at Loos, September, 1915. The soldier lying next to me gave a shout, saying, “My God! I’m done for”. His mate next to him asked where he was shot. He drew himself back and lifted his wounded pal’s kilt, then gave a laugh, saying, “Jock, ye’ll no die. Yer only shot through the fleshy part of the leg!” We moved on towards the village of Loos, where machine guns were raking the streets and bayonet-fighting was going on with Jerry (slang for Germans). Prisoners were being marshalled in batches to be sent under guard down the line. I came to a little restaurant. By the noise going on inside I thought they were killing pigs. I went inside and opened a door where blood was running out from underneath. I saw some Highlanders busy, having it out with Jerry with the bayonet.

Source B: from Nicholas Morgan, In War’s Wake, (1984). During the four years of the war, recruitment to the armed forces from Scotland came to nearly a quarter of the adult male population, a higher percentage than any other country in the UK. Scottish forces suffered disproportionately higher losses than their English counterparts. Wartime, in particular, revolutionised the position of women in the economy, but women’s war-work, whether unskilled tasks such as shell-filling or the more skilled jobs, was intended to be temporary. In 1918 women demonstrated in Glasgow, protesting against their enforced removal from the workplace. The slaughter remained to haunt a nation. Grey granite war memorials sprang up in cities, towns and especially villages throughout the country, where lists of names often paid testimony to rural communities that were never to recapture the strength of their pre-war years.

Source C: from Trevor Royle, The Flowers of the Forest: Scotland and the First World War (2006). The Clyde in 1913 launched 750,000 tons of shipping but by the end of the 1920s the Clyde was launching merely 56,000 tons of shipping, and 69 per cent of insured workers in the Scottish shipbuilding trade were unemployed. In 1913 Scotland manufactured about one fifth of the U.K.’s steel output and employed 140,000 miners but 20 years later the coal industry was finding work for only 80,000 hands and producing a third less coal. In 1913 Scottish unemployment was well below 10% but in the 1920s it never fell below 10%. The Dundee jute trade was deeply depressed and the Borders woollen industry for the greater part of the year was on part-time working. In the late 1920s the value of Scottish farming was falling while it was still rising in England, and in the fishing industry the numbers of those employed and the value of the catch were both steadily dropping.

Source D: from Edwin Muir, Scottish Journey (1935). By 1928 the story in Scotland was one of general economic decline. Between 1921 and 1923 shipbuilding on the Clyde dropped from 500,000 tons to 170,000 mainly as a result of cancellations but the Clyde was already beginning to pay for the artificial boom which had rescued it during the war years. On January 5 the unthinkable happened when the last ship to be built at Beardmore’s left the Clyde and the shipyard at Dalmuir was put up for sale. Coal production suffered as a result of falling international markets, especially in Eastern Europe, and the same fate for the same reason hit the fishing industry. Jute production in Dundee was adversely affected by declining orders, shrinking markets and workers’ strikes. In 1921 a census carried out by the Board of Agriculture showed the number of male farm workers had fallen a great deal. According to the Board’s findings the decline was not restricted to any particular part of the country but was widespread throughout Scotland. Soon machine age farming would change the face of farming forever.

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Source E: from T. M Devine, The Scottish Nation 1700–2007 (2006). The emergence of Red Clydeside and the Labour breakthrough was only one part of the realignment of Scottish politics after the war. The most decisive feature was the complete collapse of Liberalism as an effective electoral force. At the end of 1916 Lloyd George had split the party and by the election of 1918 Liberalism was in disarray. Among the working classes the Labour Party was most likely to benefit from Liberal misfortunes. The Rent Strike had greatly increased the prestige and influence of the ILP. While the Liberal government denounced strikers as unpatriotic, the ILP supported the workers’ grievances over prices and rents. Labour also excelled in organisation. The focus was constantly on local issues of housing, rents and jobs. Labour gained the lion’s share of the new post 1918 electorate. The reward came in 1924 when Labour became the biggest party in Scotland, sending 29 MPs to parliament.

[END OF SOURCES FOR THE IMPACT OF THE GREAT W AR, 1914–1928]

SPECIAL TOPIC 5: THE IMPACT OF THE GREAT WAR, 1914–1928 Answer all of the following questions. 1. How useful is Source A as evidence of the experience of Scots on the Western Front? In reaching a conclusion you should refer to: • the origin and possible purpose of the source; • the content of the source; • recalled knowledge. How fully does Source B show the impact of war on Scottish society? Use the source and recalled knowledge. To what extent do Sources C and D agree about the economic effect of the war on Scotland? Compare the sources overall and in detail. How far does Source E explain the reasons for the growth of radicalism in politics in Scotland? Use the source and recalled knowledge. Marks

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